Even if these seem small, such as ones requiring voters to go to a downtown office or to a ward office to register, they reduce the registration of poor people, who are already overburdened and often poorly informed about election rules.
It is not preordained that poorer people are less likely to participate: But the barriers have been dropping in recent decades. For example, since in Chicago, deputy registrars have been able to register voters door-to-door or in public locations such as shopping centers. In some states voters can register at driver's license bureaus or welfare offices. In others they can simply register at the polls on election day. But even in states with relatively easy registration, voter participation has not uniformly increased and in some cases has even declined.
Something else needs to be done. Political scientist Ruy A. Teixeira, in his similarly titled recent book, Why Americans Don't Vote: Turnout Decline in the United States, , argues that nonvoting has increased in recent decades because people are more mobile and less rooted to their communities, because they feel that their vote would have little effect, and because political campaigns don't involve them. But these explanations beg the question of why people feel so indifferent.
In sharp contrast to Piven and Cloward, Teixeira argues that if nonvoters participated, election results would not be very different. That seems to go against intuition: Another study, however, suggested that if nonvoters had gone to the polls in Carter would have defeated Reagan but they wouldn't have saved Mondale in There are serious problems with the postelection polls that form the basis of these projections about nonvoters' impact.
For example, there's the possible tendency of people who haven't been much involved in an election to identify with the winner after the fact. But clearly, nonvoters are a mixed bag. Even among the poor, there are fundamentalist Bible-thumpers of the rural south who might negate liberal urban blacks. Piven and Cloward can't simply rely on blanket registration to revive the Democratic party or to strengthen the electoral left, their ultimate goal.
Their actual argument is the one of shifting the political spectrum slightly to the left. Ultimately many voters do not take part because they think voting makes little difference. They don't see themselves with a stake in the country to be tended at the polling booth.
This is a national problem for which Democrats must find a political solution. Robert Kuttner, who shares Cloward and Piven's sense of urgency about registration reform, attempts to provide a political prescription in The Life of the Party. David Osborne, who seems more concerned with figuring out how to appeal to the existing electorate rather than with expanding it, offers a different solution in Laboratories of Democracy: Kuttner is the neo-populist, Osborne the neo-progressive.
Populism was the movement associated with the lateth-century revolt of small farmers, sharecroppers, and workers against the big economic powers; progressivism was the earlyth century effort to reform and tame a chaotic American economy through regulation, education, and protection of the common national interests.
Osborne's heroes are executives like Dukakis and former Arizona governor Bruce Babbitt. These neo-progressives hope to rebuild electoral majorities by focusing on the old Democratic ideal of economic growth.
They want to achieve that by promoting education, research, industrial modernization, and new partnerships of business, government, and labor or community groups. They want government to use its public hand to make the supposedly magical "hidden hand" of the market better serve the needs of the whole community for example, by making it easier for small new businesses or women and minority entrepreneurs to raise capital or by encouraging certain kinds of technological innovation.
By contrast, post-World War II liberals seemed little interested in manipulating the economic marketplace. At best they were willing to pay for some of the damages to those hurt or left behind. The neo-progressives try to get more bang for the buck, stressing efficiency and recruiting private business into partnerships with state government.
Dukakis's Employment and Training program to train welfare recipients for jobs was one notable example, but other governors have also developed centers for industrial renewal and public-private housing partnerships. Osborne's book chronicles the many good ideas that state and local governments have pursued in a time when federal largess has shrunk.
But much as the book may appeal to "policy freaks," there's something missing. That's a sense of the meaning of government and the values of society. Dukakis embodied the neo-progressive approach when he declared at the Democratic convention that the presidential race was a matter of competence, not ideology. Neo-progressivism can degenerate into a technocratic managerialism that may win back some middle-class white voters to the Democrats but is hardly likely to stir the masses of uninvolved nonvoters.
And indeed, it did not stir them for the Duke. George Bush demonstrated that ideology, especially at the presidential level, is important. Bush conducted a negative and ideological campaign--labeling Dukakis a "liberal" and defining that to mean soft on criminals, unpatriotic, and militarily weak. But Ronald Reagan not only ridiculed his opponents, he also elaborated an alternative ideology. In The Rise of the Counterestablishment: He had a few simple prescriptions, but most basically his message was that government was the problem, not the solution.
Running as an outsider for office, he continued to run against government for eight years in office. Ironically, at the end of his second term, polls indicated that people today not only trust government more but want to see it doing more to solve the nation's problems.
Reagan capitalized on the people's spreading sense of discontent and powerlessness as the United States stumbled through the 70s. America had not been able to impose its will on the world, and even under Reagan could impose it only on tiny Grenada. America had been slipping economically, and under Reagan slid even more, although the wealthy fared far better than they had in decades.
Reagan represented the return to a mythical yesteryear, to a Tinseltown America of cheery white families walking down the street to the clapboard Protestant church before having Sunday dinner at Grandma's. Relating to gatherings of people; a term for animals or people that prefer to exist in groups. To ask questions that glean data on the opinions, practices such as dining or sleeping habits , knowledge or skills of a broad range of people.
Researchers select the number and types of people questioned in hopes that the answers these individuals give will be representative of others who are their age, belong to the same ethnic group or live in the same region. The list of questions that will be offered to glean those data. Read another version of this article at Science News.
Election laws, mobilization, and turnout: The unanticipated consequences of election reform. American Journal of Political Science. On public opinion polls and voters' turnout. Social Science Research Network. Florence was captured by cameras aboard the International Space Station on September The storm was so big that scientists had to use a super wide-angle camera to see it all.
This satellite photo shows air pollution over India, where it shortens the average life span by about 1. If a zoo keeps a male lion and a female tiger in the same enclosure, a liger can result. Too many mosquitoes might send some people running the opposite direction. But these scientists get close — to learn more about them.
A blue diamond gets its color from the element boron. Tiny bits of minerals inside the gem suggest that diamonds of this hue form at very great depths. Skip to main content. Lab Scientists Say Analyze This! Nov 7, — 7: Polls will be open on Election Day, but millions of eligible voters will stay home.
Voting can mean standing in long lines on Election Day. Edit view Configure Layout. Climate change intensified Hurricane Florence, study finds. Sahithi Pingali, 16, works on her science fair project in Inventing Tomorrow. Courtesy of Warner Bros. Essays from all 50 states: Read essays from all 50 states, the Virgin Islands and Canada.
Many essay writers expressed real anger toward the political system and the adults who run it. Read a discussion of the most frequently cited reform proposals in the essays. Contest and the prizes: Here is the essay question as well as the set of prizes. Here is a description of the process used to identify the winners.
Visit links to organizations working to boost youth turnout and to studies about voter turnout and youth involvement in politics. Links to some of the coverage that the contest and student essays have received. Click on the below links for samples of student essays submitted by young people in the area.
What changes in our electoral system would increase political participation by young people and why is that important to you and people like you? Potential reforms to consider include, but are not limited to; lowering the voting age, better ballot access for third parties and independents, required debates between all candidates for office, vote-by-mail, election-day voter registration, internet voting, proportional representation, cumulative voting, instant runoff voting, a parliamentary system and expanded use of the initiative and referendum.
Most of such people were born and grew up with totalitarian or authoritarian regimes (such as Soviet Union). I read an article in the Ukrainian newspaper. One journalist made an opinion poll. He asked people why they didn't vote. Some people said that they just don't want to /5(3).
Most People do not think their vote matters/counts. Most People do not Why man First, why it's important to vote, most citizens believe that their vote does not matter and do not vote for that reason. Second, another reason is some citizens do not know how or where to vote.
My teacher was begging because millions of people who can vote, don’t. Voter turnout in the United States is incredibly low compared to similar countries, notes Donald Green. He’s a political scientist at Columbia University in New York City. You are free to choose the number of pages, Why People Don' T Vote Essay Paper, the font type, the number and kind of sources to be. Take advantage of our whopping 20% discount and STILL get the safest and most reliable UK custom Why People Don' T Vote Essay Paper when you order with us. Why not Why People Don' T Vote Essay Paper online and have professional, experienced American .
The word "vote" causes many different reactions from people. Some become aggressive and begin to express their opinions on various political issues while others try to avoid the topic completely. However, there is a vast majority who rely on pat answers to support their neglect in voting. Essays from all 50 states: Read essays from all 50 states, the Virgin Islands and Canada. Angry and alienated: Many essay writers expressed real anger toward the political system and the adults who run it. See three examples. The agenda: Read a discussion of the most frequently cited reform proposals in .